Teaching English online: opportunities and pitfalls. LMSs give you the backdrop you need for informal communication between live. How I learned to teach. Teach English online with EF English First and start a. Class before you teach English online, and give live feedback. Adults ESL Jobs; Teach English. More How To Teach English To Korean Adults Live videos. If you want to teach what English conversation is really about there's a website where you can download for free the pdf files of the student's book and teacher's book. Here you can find worksheets and activities for teaching Korea to kids, teenagers or adults. For teaching Korea to English language. Live Worksheets. Sep 25, 2014. In today's society, technology has made many things in life much easier. The ability to learn another language online without the need of someone physically teaching you is necessary during these times. People around the globe can learn English as their second language without leaving their couch. Have you ever taught ESL to adults? For the past two years, I have taught a short-term English conversation class to Korean adults at the Andong City Library. There are Korean children sitting on the desks, frolicking in the teachers' room, playing soccer in the lobby, doing each other's hair, screaming at the top of their lungs, and generally having the time of their lives. I look to the other native English-speaking teacher who's been here four months, and raise my eyebrows. ![]() This article may need to be rewritten entirely to comply with Wikipedia's.. The may contain suggestions. This section's tone or style may not reflect the used on Wikipedia. See Wikipedia's for suggestions. (November 2014) () Pre-modern [ ] People from the Korean peninsula have immigrated to Japan since prehistory, but pre-modern immigrants do not form a separate group. In the, Japan was connected to mainland Asia by at least two land bridges in north and south and was peopled from the mainland (see ). In late prehistory, in the Iron Age (300 BC to 300 AD), Japanese culture shows [ ] some Korean influence, though whether this was accompanied by immigration from Korea is debated (see ). In the later (250–538) and (538–710) there was some flow of people from the Korean peninsula, both as immigrants and long-term visitors, notably a number of clans in the Kofun period (see ). While some families today can ultimately trace their ancestry to the immigrants, they were absorbed into Japanese society and are not considered a distinct group. Trade with Korea continued to the modern day, with Japan also periodically receiving missions from Korea, though this was often limited to specific ports. In the (17th–mid-19th centuries) trade with Korea occurred through the in Kyūshū, near Nagasaki. This section's tone or style may not reflect the used on Wikipedia. See Wikipedia's for suggestions. (November 2014) () Modern Zainichi Koreans can trace their diaspora to the early 20th century under. In 1910, as the result of the, all Korean people became the nation of the. Koreans claimed that Japanese land and production confiscation initiatives against Korean farmers during the 1910s caused a wave of forced migrants during the 1920s, while Japanese claim that Japanese colonisation kick-started Korea's defunct feudal economy and that majority of immigration was due to voluntary immigration seeking better economic opportunities. [ ] During World War II, a large number of Koreans were also conscripted by Japan. Another wave of migration started after South Korea was devastated by the Korean War in the 1950s. Also noteworthy was the large number of refugees from the by the South Korean government. The statistics regarding Zainichi immigration are scarce. However, in 1988, a youth group called Zainihon Daikan Minkoku Seinendan ( 재일본대한민국청년회, 在日本大韓民國靑年會) published a report entitled 'Father, tell us about that day. Report to reclaim our history' ( アボジ聞かせて あの日のことを—我々の歴史を取り戻す運動報告書) The report included a survey of first generation Koreans' reasons for immigration. The result was 13.3% for conscription, 39.6% for economics, 17.3% for marriage and family, 9.5% for study/academic, 20.2% for other reasons and 0.2% for unknown. The survey excluded those who were under 12 when they arrived in Japan. During World War II [ ]. This section's tone or style may not reflect the used on Wikipedia. See Wikipedia's for suggestions. (November 2014) () In 1939, labor shortages due to led to organised official recruitment of Koreans to work in mainland Japan, initially through civilian agents, and later directly, often involving elements of coercion or deception. [ ] In 1944, the Japanese authorities extended the mobilization of Japanese civilians for labor to the Korean peninsula. Of the 5,400,000 Koreans conscripted, about 670,000 were taken to mainland Japan (including (present-day, now part of )) for civilian labor. Those who were brought to Japan were forced to work in factories, in mines and as laborers, often under appalling conditions. Koreans were better treated than laborers from other countries, but about 60,000 are estimated to have died between 1939 and 1945. Most of the wartime laborers returned home after the war, but some elected to remained in Japan. 43,000 of those in Karafuto, which had been occupied by the just prior to Japan's surrender, were refused repatriation to either mainland Japan or the Korean peninsula, and were thus trapped in Sakhalin, stateless; they became the ancestors of the. Loss of Japanese nationality [ ]. Dates of entrance or birth of Korean residents in Japan as of the end of 1958 Immediately following the end of World War II, there were roughly 2.4 million Koreans in Japan; the majority repatriated to their ancestral homes in the southern half of the Korean peninsula, leaving 650,000 in Japan by 1946. Japan's defeat in the war and its loss of sovereignty over the Korean peninsula and Taiwan left the nationality status of Koreans and Taiwanese in an ambiguous position in terms of law. The Alien Registration Ordinance ( 外国人登録令, Gaikokujin-tōroku-rei) of 2 May 1947 ruled that Koreans and some Taiwanese were to be provisionally treated as foreign nationals. Given the lack of a functional nation on the Korean peninsula, Koreans were provisionally registered under the name of (Korean: 조선, Japanese: Chōsen, 朝鮮), the old name of undivided Korea. In 1948, the northern and southern parts of Korea declared independence individually, making Joseon, or the old undivided Korea, a defunct nation. The new government of the (South Korea) made a request to the, then the occupying power of Japan, to change the nationality registration of Zainichi Koreans to Daehan Minguk ( 대한민국, 大韓民國; Japanese: Daikan Minkoku, 大韓民国), the official name of the new nation. Following this, from 1950 onwards, Zainichi Koreans were allowed to voluntarily re-register their nationality as such. The Allied occupation of Japan ended on 28 April 1952 with the, in which Japan formally abandoned its territorial claim to the Korean peninsula, and as a result, Zainichi Koreans formally lost their Japanese nationality. The division on the Korean peninsula led to division among Koreans in Japan., the Korean Residents Union in Japan, was set up in 1946 as a pro-South offshoot of (League of Koreans in Japan), the main Korean residents' organisation, which had a socialist ideology. Following the May Day riots of 1952, the pro-North organisation was made illegal, but it re-formed under various guises and went on to form the 'General Association of Korean Residents in Japan', or, in 1955. This organisation kept to its socialist, and by extension pro-North stance, and enjoyed the active financial support and advisement of the North Korean government. This section's tone or style may not reflect the used on Wikipedia. See Wikipedia's for suggestions. (November 2014) () Out of the two Korean organizations in Japan, the pro-North Chongryon has been the more militant in terms of retaining Koreans' ethnic identity. Its policies included: • Operation of about 60 ethnic Korean schools across Japan, initially partly funded by the North Korean government, in which lessons were conducted in Korean. They maintain a strong pro-North Korean ideology, which has sometimes come under criticism from pupils, parents, and the public alike. • Discouraging its members from taking up Japanese citizenship. • Discouraging its members from marrying Japanese. • Chongryon-operated businesses and banks to provide the necessary jobs, services, and social networks for Zainichi Koreans outside mainstream society. • Opposition to Zainichi Koreans' right to vote or participation in Japanese elections, which they saw as an unacceptable attempt at assimilation into Japanese society. • A home-coming movement to North Korea in the late 1950s, which it hailed as a socialist 'Paradise on Earth'. Some 90,000 Zainichi Koreans and their Japanese spouses moved to the North before the migration eventually died down. Pro-North Zainichi who maintained their Joseon nationalities have been called 'North Koreans in Japan' in English by writers such as Sonia Ryang. However, the vast majority settled in Japan before the modern state of North Korea was instituted, and in most cases originate from the south of the. The perception of them as 'North' Koreans is based entirely on their assumed ideological loyalties. [ ] Well into at least the 1970s, Chongryon was the dominant Zainichi group, and in some ways remains more politically significant today in Japan. However, the widening disparity between the political and economic conditions of the two Koreas has since made, the pro-South Korean group, the larger and certainly the less politically controversial faction. 65% of Zainichi are now said to be affiliated to Mindan. The number of pupils receiving ethnic education from Chongryon-affiliated schools has declined sharply, with many, if not most, Zainichi now opting to send their children to mainstream Japanese schools. Some Chongryon schools have been closed for lack of funding, and there is serious doubt as to the continuing viability of the system as a whole. (Mindan has also traditionally operated a school system for the children of its members, although it has always been less widespread and organized compared to its Chongryon counterpart, and is said to be nearly defunct at the present time.) [ ] Newcomers [ ]. Repatriation of Koreans from Japan, January 1960 Repatriation of Zainichi Koreans from Japan conducted under the auspices of the began to receive official support from the Japanese government as early as 1956. A North Korean-sponsored repatriation programme with support of the (The General Association of Korean Residents in Japan) officially began in 1959. In April 1959, Gorō Terao ( 寺尾 五郎 Terao Gorō), a political activist of the, published a book North of the ( 38度線の北), in which he idolized North Korea for its rapid development and; numbers of returnees skyrocketed. The Japanese government was in favour of repatriation as a way to reduce the number of welfare or other public assistance recipients in a time of economic difficulty and as a way to rid the country of ethnic minority residents regarded as incompatible with Japanese culture. Though the United States government was initially unaware of Tokyo's cooperation with the repatriation programme, they offered no objection after they were informed of it; the US ambassador to Japan was quoted by his Australian counterpart as describing the Koreans in Japan as 'a poor lot including many Communists and many criminals'. Despite the fact that 97% of the Zainichi Koreans originated from the southern half of the, the North was initially a far more popular destination for repatriation than the South; however, as word came back of difficult conditions in the North and with the 1965 normalization of, the popularity of repatriation to the North dropped sharply, though the trickle of returnees to the reclusive communist state continued as late as 1984. In total, 93,340 people migrated from Japan to North Korea under the repatriation programme; an estimated 6,000 were. Around one hundred such repatriates are believed to have later; the most famous is, who published a book about his experience,. Though repatriates in general faced social discrimination and political repression, with as many as 10,000 being imprisoned in concentration camps, some rose to positions of power in the North Korean government. One returnee who later defected back to Japan, known only by his Japanese pseudonym Kenki Aoyama, worked for North Korean intelligence as a spy in. The repatriations have been the subject of numerous creative works in Japan, due to the influence they had on the Zainichi Korean community; One documentary film about a family whose sons repatriated while the parents and daughter remained in Japan,, won a special jury prize at the 2006. Following a Seoul High Court ruling in 2010, it is no longer possible for holders of (i.e., North Korea-affiliated Koreans) to enter South Korea. [ ] Some Zainichi Koreans have gone to South Korea to study or to settle. For example, author studied at in the early 1980s. Integration into Japanese society [ ]. Marriage of Koreans in Japan During the post-World War II period, Zainichi Koreans faced various kinds of discrimination from Japanese society. Due to the San Francisco Peace Treaty, the Japanese government created laws to support Japanese citizens by giving financial support, providing shelters, etc. However, after the treaty was signed, Zainichi Koreans were no longer counted as Japanese citizens, so they were unable to get any support from the government. They were unable to get an insurance certificate from the government, so it was difficult for them to get any medical care. Without medical insurance, Zainichi Koreans were unable to go to hospital since the cost of medication was too high. Another problem caused by this treaty was that the Japanese government created a law which stated that Korean residents in Japan had to be fingerprinted since Zainichi Koreans had two names (their original name and a name given by the Japanese government). Under this law, Zainichi Koreans had to reveal their identity to the public because when they visited the city hall to provide their fingerprints, their neighbors found out that they were Zainichi Koreans. Therefore, Zainichi Koreans were forced to reveal their identity to Japanese and faced discrimination from them. This made their lives even more difficult. In order to protect themselves, many Zainichi Koreans protested against this law. Mindan and many Zainichi Koreans opposed this law, but the law wasn’t repealed until 1993. Until then, Zainichi Koreans could not escape from the social discrimination which they had faced in Japanese society. Furthermore, it was hard for the Zainichi Koreans to get a job due to discrimination. Especially, it was very hard for Zainichi Koreans to become public employees since Japan only let Japanese nationals become public employees at that time. Since many Zainichi Koreans couldn’t get a proper job, they began to get involved in illegal jobs such as 'illegal alcohol production, scrap recycling, and racketeering'. As a result, many Zainichi Koreans ended up living in slums or hamlets since Japanese real estate agents refused to let Zainichi Koreans rent houses. Zainichi today have established a stable presence in Japan after years of activism. Through, community support by Zainichi organizations (Mindan, Chongryon, among others), other minority groups (,,,, [ – ] and others), and sympathetic Japanese, they have improved the social atmosphere for Zainichi in Japan. There are also Koreans living in Japan who try to present themselves as Japanese to avoid discrimination. Most younger Zainichi now speak only Japanese, go to Japanese schools, work for Japanese firms and increasingly now marry Japanese. Most occurs among the young during the period when they seek or marriage. Those who have already established their life often choose to retain their South Korean or Joseon nationality as part of their heritage. Assimilation [ ]. This section's tone or style may not reflect the used on Wikipedia. See Wikipedia's for suggestions. (November 2014) () One of the most pressing issues of the Zainichi community is the rate of of Zainichi into Japan. About 9,000 to 11,000 Koreans naturalize in Japan every year out of slightly less than 600,000. One crucial aspect of naturalisation for Zainichi Korean is that both Mindan and Chongryon link Korean ethnic identity to Korean nationality (Japanese and South Korean nationality laws do not allow multiple citizenship for adults). By their definition, opting for a Japanese passport means becoming a Japanese, rather than a Korean Japanese. In order to be naturalized as Japanese citizens, Zainichi Koreans had to go through multiple, complex steps. In order for Zainichi Koreans to complete these steps, they were required to collect information about their family and ancestors that stretched ten generations. They could collect this information if they paid money to an organization such as Mindan, however with prohibitively expensive cost, so many were unable to afford such information. However, these processes became much easier as time passed and today, it is easier for Zainichi Koreans to naturalize into Japanese citizens. Though there are a few cases of celebrities who naturalize with their Korean name, the majority of Zainichi Koreans formally choose a name that is both read and appears ethnically Japanese. This means that the rate of naturalisation can be taken as a rough measure of assimilation. During post-World War II period many Zainichi Koreans married with other Zainichi Koreans and it was a rare case for them to marry with Japanese citizen. This was because Japanese citizens had a racial prejudice against Zainichi Koreans due to the stigma stemming from decades of discrimination. Therefore, Japanese citizens, especially the parents were refusing marriage with Zainichi Koreans. However, there were also some problems about marriage between Zainichi Koreans too. As stated in the previous section, Zainichi Koreans were hiding about their identity and living as a Japanese citizen at that time. Because of this, it was very hard for Zainichi Koreans to know about the people who had the same nationality as them. They were married mostly through arranged marriages supported by Mindan. Tong-il Ilbo ( 통일일보) or Tōitsu Nippō ( 統一日報), a Korean Japanese newspaper, reported that according to statistics from the Japanese Health and Labour ministry, there were 8376 marriages between Japanese and Koreans. Compared to 1971 marriages in 1965, when the statistics began, the number has roughly quadrupled and it now constitutes about 1% of the 730,971 total marriages in Japan. The highest number of marriages between Japanese men and Korean women was 8,940, in 1990. Since 1991, it has fluctuated around 6000. On the other hand, there were 2335 marriages between Korean men and Japanese women in 2006. It has been stable since the number reached 2000, in 1984. [ ] In 1975, Hidenori Sakanaka ( 坂中 英徳 Sakanaka Hidenori), a bureaucrat in the Ministry of Justice, published a highly controversial document known as the 'Sakanaka Paper'. He stated that the assertion by both Mindan and Chongryon that Zainichi are destined to eventually return to Korea is no longer realistic. He further predicted that Zainichi would naturally disappear in the 21st century unless they abandon their link between Korean identity and Korean nationality. He argued that the Japanese government should stop treating Zainichi as temporary residents (with a ) and start providing a proper legal framework for their permanent settlement as 'Korean Japanese'. In December 1995, Gendai Korea (Modern Korea) published '20 years after the Sakanaka Paper' to assess further development. Sakanaka pointed out that in the 1980s, 50% of Zainichi Koreans married Japanese and in the 1990s, the rate was 80%. (In fact, he quoted only 15%-18% Korean marriage during 1990 to 1994.) He also pointed out the change in the law in 1985, which granted Japanese citizenship to a child with either parent being Japanese. (Previous laws granted citizenship only to a child with a Japanese father.) In practice, this would mean that less than 20% of Zainichi marriages would result in Zainichi status. As naturalisation is concentrated among the younger generation, the Zainichi population is expected to collapse once the older generation starts to die out in two decades. The latest figure from Mindan showed that the total population of Zainichi was 598,219 in 2006 and 593,489 in 2007; only 8.9% married another Zainichi in 2006. There were 1,792 births and 4,588 deaths resulting in a 2796 natural decrease. On top of that, there were 8531 naturalisations, which resulted in a total decrease of 11,327 in 2006 (1.89%). Registration of residents [ ]. This section does not any. Unsourced material may be challenged and. (November 2014) () Japan used to take as part of the registration process for foreign residents, a subject of much controversy, especially among resident Koreans, as many of them are born in Japan. After many years of campaigning, the requirement was abolished in 1992 for those with status. In 1999, the Alien Registration Law was further amended to eliminate fingerprinting of foreign residents in general. Mindan expressed disappointment, as it did not eliminate the requirement that foreign residents carry their registration cards at all times, and Koreans protested in Tokyo alongside Thais, Filipinos and Brazilians dressed in traditional attire of their homelands. Right to vote and government employment [ ]. This section needs additional citations for. Unsourced material may be challenged and removed. (November 2014) () Long-term ethnic Korean residents of Japan who have not taken up Japanese nationality currently have the legal status of and are granted special rights and privileges compared to other foreigners, especially in matters such as re-entry and deportation statutes. These privileges were originally given to residents with South Korean nationality in 1965, and were extended in 1991 to cover those who have retained their Joseon nationality. Over the decades, Zainichi Koreans have been campaigning to regain their Japanese citizenship rights without having to adopt Japanese nationality. The right to claim benefits was granted in 1954, followed by access to the national health insurance scheme (1960s) and state pensions (1980s). There is some doubt over the legality of some of these policies as the Public Assistance Law, which governs social welfare payments, is seen to apply to 'Japanese nationals'. There have also been campaigns to allow Zainichi Koreans to take up government employment and participate in elections, which are open to Japanese nationals only. Since 1992, has been campaigning for the right to vote in elections for prefectural and municipal assemblies, mayors and prefecture governors, backed by the South Korean government. In 1997, became the first municipality to hire a Korean national. So far, three prefectures –, and – have supported voting rights for permanent foreign residents. However, the Japanese Diet has not yet passed a resolution regarding this matter despite several attempts by a section within to do so, and there is considerable public and political opposition against granting voting rights to those who have not yet adopted Japanese nationality. Instead, the requirements for naturalization has been steadily lowered for Zainichi to the point that only criminal records or affiliation to would be a hindrance for naturalization. Both Zainichi organisations oppose this, as both organisations see naturalization as de facto assimilation. In November 2011, the South Korean government moved to register Zainichi Koreans as voters in South Korean elections, a move which attracted few registrants. While -affiliated Zainichi Koreans presses for voting rights in Japan, they have very little interest in becoming a voting bloc in South Korean politics. For its part opposes moves to allow Zainichi Koreans to participate in Japanese politics, on the grounds that it assimilates Koreans into Japanese society and thus weakens Korean ethnic identity. Korean schools [ ]. Classroom at with photographs of and The pro-Pyongyang Chongryon operates (Korean: 조선학교/우리학교, Hanja: 朝鮮學校, Japanese: 朝鮮学校) across Japan, including kindergartens and one university. All lessons, and all conversations within the school are conducted in Korean. They teach a strong pro-North Korean ideology and allegiance to, and. The textbooks include an idolized depiction of the economic development of North Korea and policy of Kim Jong-il. They are not classified as regular schools under Japanese law as they do not follow the national curriculum, but rather as 'miscellaneous schools' alongside driving schools. This has led to many discrepancies with regular Japanese schools which Chongryon calls discriminatory. [ ] One of the issues is funding. The schools were originally set up and run with support from the North Korean government but this money has now dried up, and with dropping pupil numbers, many schools are facing financial difficulties. The Japanese government has refused Chongryon's requests that it fund ethnic schools in line with regular Japanese schools, citing Article 89 of the, where use of public funds for education by non-public bodies is prohibited. In reality the schools are in fact partly funded by local authorities, but subsidies are given in the form of special benefits paid to the families of pupils, as opposed to paying the schools directly, in order to avoid a blatant breach of Article 89. It is also much less than the amount received by state schools. Another issue is an examination called the High School Equivalency Test, or daiken, which qualifies those who have not graduated from a regular high school to apply for a place in a state university and take an entrance exam. Until recently, only those who have completed compulsory education (i.e. Up to junior high school) were entitled to take daiken; this meant pupils of ethnic schools had to do extra courses before being allowed to take the exam. In 1999 the requirement was amended so that anyone over a certain age is qualified. Campaigners were not satisfied because this still meant graduates of non-Japanese high schools had to take daiken. In 2003, the Education Ministry removed the requirement to take the Equivalency Test from graduates of Chinese schools, Mindan-run Korean schools and international schools affiliated with Western nations and accredited by U.S. And British organizations. However, this did not apply to graduates of pro-Pyongyang Korean schools, saying it could not approve their curricula. The decision was left up to individual universities, 70% of which allowed Korean school graduates to apply directly. Legal alias [ ] Legal alias Japanese name 通名 Transcriptions Tsūmei Korean name 통명 通名 Transcriptions Tongmyeong T'ongmyŏng Registered aliens in Japan are allowed to adopt a ( 通称名, tsūshōmei), often abbreviated to tsūmei ( 通名, 'common name'), as their legal name. Traditionally, Zainichi Koreans have used Japanese-style names in public, but some Zainichi Koreans, including celebrities and professional athletes, use their original Korean names. Well-known ethnic Koreans who use Japanese names include star, pro wrestlers and, and controversial judoka and mixed martial artist. During the, a newspaper conducted a survey regarding their use. Fifty percent stated of those polled said that they always only use an alias while thirteen percent stated they use their original name. Thirty-three percent stated that they use either depending on the situation. In another survey, over 90% of ethnic Koreans in Japan have a Japanese-sounding name in addition to a Korean one. Eighty percent used their Japanese names when in Japanese company and 30.3 percent used it 'almost exclusively'. Controversies over Chongryon [ ]. Main article: For a long time, Chongryon enjoyed unofficial immunity from searches and investigations, partly because authorities were reluctant to carry out any actions which could provoke not only accusations of racism but lead to an international incident. Chongryon has long been suspected of a variety of criminal acts on behalf of North Korea, such as illegal transfer of funds to North Korea and espionage, but no action was taken. However, recent escalating tensions between Japan and North Korea over a number of issues, namely 's which came to light in 2002 as well as, has led to a resurgence of public animosity against Chongryon. Chongryon schools have alleged numerous cases of verbal abuse and physical violence directed against their students and buildings, and Chongryon facilities have been targets of protests and occasional incidents. The Japanese authorities have recently started to crack down on Chongryon, with investigations and arrests for charges ranging from tax evasion to espionage. These moves are usually criticized by Chongryon as acts of political suppression. In December 2001, police raided Chongryon's Tokyo headquarters and related facilities to investigate Chongryon officials' suspected role in embezzlement of funds from the failed. In 2002, Shotaro Tochigi, deputy head of the Public Security Investigation Agency told a session of the House of Representatives Financial Affairs Committee that the agency is investigating Chongryon for suspected illicit transfers of funds to the North. The image of Chongryon was further tarnished by North Korea's surprise 2002 admission that it had indeed abducted Japanese nationals in the 1970s, as it had been categorically and fiercely denying for many years that the abductions had ever taken place and dismissing rumors of North Korean involvement as an allegedly 'racist fantasy.' Some of the recent drop in membership of Chongryon is thought to be attributed to ordinary members of Chongryon who had believed the party line feeling deeply humiliated and disillusioned upon discovering that they had been used as mouthpieces to deny the crimes of the North Korean government. In March 2006, police raided six Chongryon-related facilities in an investigation into the circumstances surrounding the June 1980 disappearance of one of the alleged abductees, Tadaaki Hara. Police spokesman said that the head of Chongryon at the time is suspected of co-operating in his kidnapping. The operation of the (currently suspended), a North Korean ferry that is the only regular direct link between North Korea and Japan, is a subject of significant tension, as the ferry is primarily used by Chongryon to send its members to North Korea and to supply North Korea with money and goods donated by the organization and its members. Although the humanitarian aspect of such contributions cannot be denied, particularly given that older Chongryon members have immediate family in North Korea, Chongryon members also continue to send lavish gifts, such as cash, expensive western liquor, and Japanese beef, to Kim Jong Il and other high-ranking North Korean officials. [ ] In 2003, a North Korean defector made a statement to the US Senate committee stating that more than 90% of the parts used by North Korea to construct its missiles were brought from Japan aboard the ship. In May 2006, Chongryon and the pro-South Mindan agreed to reconcile, only for the agreement to break down the following month due to Mindan's distrust of Chongryon. In July 2006 have deepened the divide, with Chongryon refusing to condemn the missile tests, expressing only its regret that the Japanese government has suspended the operation of the Mangyongbong-92. Outraged senior Mindan officials joined mainstream Japanese politicians and media in sharply criticizing Chongryon's silence over the matter. See also [ ]. • ^ [ Current Status of Overseas Compatriots].:. Retrieved 2 August 2016. • ^ Statics Bureau, Ministry of Internal Affairs and Communications (December 2016). '国籍・地域別 在留資格(在留目的)別 在留外国人' [Foreigners by nationality and by visas (occupation)]. Missing or empty|url= () • Hester, Jeffry T. 'Datsu Zainichi-ron: An emerging discourse on belonging among Ethnic Koreans in Japan'. H.; Ertl, John; Tierney, R. Multiculturalism in the new Japan: crossing the boundaries within. Berghahn Books. • Fukuoka, Yasunori; Gill, Tom (2000). Lives of young Koreans in Japan. Trans-Pacific Press. Retrieved 2015-07-12. During the last Ice Age, which ended approximately 15,000 years ago, Japan was connected to the continent through several land bridges, notably one linking the Ryukyu Islands to Taiwan and Kyushu, one linking Kyushu to the Korean peninsula, and another one connecting Hokkaido to Sakhalin and the Siberian mainland. In fact, the Philippines and Indonesia were also connected to the Asian mainland. This allowed migrations from China and Austronesia towards Japan, about 35,000 years ago. These were the ancestors of the modern Ryukyuans (Okinawans), and the first inhabitants of all Japan. The Ainu came from Siberia and settled in Hokkaido and Honshu some 15,000 years ago, just before the water levels started rising again. Nowadays the Ryukuyans, the Ainus and the Japanese are considered three ethnically separate groups. We will see why. • Ryang, Sonia; Lie, John (2009-04-01).. Escholarship.org accessdate=2016-08-17. The same threat hung over thousands more who had arrived as refugees from the massacres that followed the April 3, 1948, uprising on Jeju Island and from the Korean War • 1988 在日本大韓民国青年会 『アボジ聞かせて あの日のことを — 我々の歴史を取り戻す運動報告書 — 』「徴兵・徴用13.3%」「その他20.2%」、「不明0.2%」「経済的理由39.6%」「結婚・親族との同居17.3%」「留学9.5%」 • Rummel, R. Statistics of Democide: Genocide and Mass Murder Since 1990. Available online:. Freedom, Democracy, Peace; Power, Democide, and War. Retrieved 2006-03-01. • Lankov, Andrei (2006-01-05).. The Korea Times. Retrieved 2006-11-26. • ^ Ryang, Sonia (2000). 'The North Korean homeland of Koreans in Japan'. In Sonia Ryang.. Taylor & Francis.. • (September 26, 2000): 'E. Korean residents in Japan 32. The majority of Korean residents, who constitute about one third of the foreign population in Japan, are Koreans (or their descendants) who came to reside in Japan for various reasons during the 36 years (1910–1945) of Japan's rule over Korea and who continued to reside in Japan after having lost Japanese nationality, which they held during the time of Japan's rule, with the enforcement of the San Francisco Peace Treaty (28 April 1952).' Archived from on 2006-10-03. Retrieved 2006-10-10. • (in Japanese) Abe Shunji, 2007-11-03 at the., Bulletin of Faculty of Education, Nagasaki University. Social science, Nagasaki University, Vol.0) pp. Retrieved 2016-08-17. • Terao, Gorō (April 1959). 38度線の北 [ North of the 38th Parallel] (in Japanese). • Morris-Suzuki, Tessa (2005-02-07).. Archived from on 2007-03-17. Retrieved 2007-02-14. The motives behind the official enthusiasm for repatriation are clearly revealed by Masutaro Inoue, who described Koreans in Japan as being 'very violent,'[6] 'in dark ignorance,'[7] and operating as a 'Fifth Column' in Japanese society. Inoue is reported as explaining that the Japanese government wanted to 'rid itself of several tens of thousands of Koreans who are indigent and vaguely communist, thus at a stroke resolving security problems and budgetary problems (because of the sums of money currently being dispensed to impoverished Koreans) • ^ Morris-Suzuki, Tessa (2007-03-13).. Nautilus Institute. Archived from on 2007-09-27. Retrieved 2007-03-15. • NOZAKI, Yoshiki; INOKUCHI Hiromitsu; KIM Tae-Young.. Archived from on 2007-01-25. Retrieved 2007-03-16. • (PDF) (Press release). Sundance Film Festival. Retrieved 2007-03-20. • (Press release). Yomiuri Shimbun. Retrieved 2008-02-12. • Shin, Eunju. [Portrait of a Foreigner's World in Seoul: Yuhi by Yi Yangji)] (PDF). Niigata University of International and Information Studies. Archived from (PDF) on 2007-06-16. • Tsutsui, K., & Shin, H. Global Norms, Local Activism, and Social Movement Outcomes: Global Human Rights and Resident Koreans in Japan. Social Problems, (3). • ^ Min, Ganshick. Zainichi Kankokujin no Genjou to Mirai (Present lives and Future of Zainichi Koreans). Tokyo: Hirakawa Print Press, 1994. Retrieved 2016-08-17. • (in Japanese). • 日本の厚生労働省の調べによると、2006年だけで、韓国・朝鮮籍所有者と日本国籍者の間で結ばれた婚姻件数は8376件を数える。調査を開始した1965年の1971件に比べ、およそ4倍で、日本国内全体の婚姻件数73万971件のうち、約1%を占めている。在日韓国・朝鮮人女性と日本人男性間の婚姻件数が最も多かったのは90年の8940件。91年以降は6000件前後に留まっており、06年末現在では6041件を数えた。 半面、韓国・朝鮮人男性と日本人女性間の婚姻件数は06年末現在で2335件。1984年に2000件を超えて以来、ほぼ横ばい状態だ。 • February 23, 2008, at the. Korean Central News Agency. Archived from on 2014-10-12. Retrieved 2007-07-10. Retrieved 2016-08-17. Archived from on 2011-02-10. Retrieved 2010-06-15. • Zainichi (Koreans in Japan): Diasporic Nationalism and Postcolonial Identity.. University of California Press, 15 Nov 2008 •. Archived from on 2002-02-24. Retrieved 2016-08-17. Retrieved 2016-08-17. • Kimpara, S., Ishida, R., Ozawa, Y., Kajimura, H., Tanaka, H. And Mihashi, O. (1986) Nihon no Naka no Kankoku-Chosenjin, Chugokujin: Kanagawa-kennai Zaiju Gaikokujin Jittai Chosa yori (Koreans and Chinese Inside Japan: Reports from a Survey on Foreign Residents of Kanagawa Prefecture), Tokyo: Akashi Shoten. • Japanese Alias vs. Real Ethnic Name: On Naming Practices among Young Koreans in Japan. Yasunori Fukuoka (Saitama University, Japan). ISA XIV World Congress of Sociology (July 26 – August 1, 1998, Montreal, Canada) •. Archived from on 2011-02-10. Retrieved 2016-08-17. Archived from on 2011-02-08. Retrieved 2016-08-17. • 2007-03-22 at the. ( Asian Political News, November 18, 2002) •. Archived from on 2006-09-12. Retrieved 2006-12-12. • (BBC News Online, June 9, 2003) Further reading [ ] • Morris-Suzuki, Tessa (2007). Exodus to North Korea: Shadows from Japan's Cold War. Lanham: Rowman & Littlefield Publishers.. External links [ ] Wikimedia Commons has media related to. • (Japanese, English) • (Korean, Japanese, English) • (English) • (English) • (Korean, Japanese) • (Korean, Japanese) • • – a site for Korean residents in Japan. • – a paper on Zainichi. • • Nichi Bei Times Article • article from The Common Language Project • • •.
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